Toward an Anthropology of Sport

A Cultural Perspective

MICHELLE CRAWFORD | ANT 3625: History of Anthropological Ideas | December 12, 2022

There is nothing quite like being pressed shoulder-to-shoulder with 40,000 of your closest friends, swaying, crying out, and moving fluidly like some great, biblical beast of yore. There are, of course, the men on the field, running till their hearts give out, but you and your fellow fans will swear that the game took far more out of you, physically, mentally, and spiritually than they could ever understand. It is a thing of ritual, of the sacred, of clan delineations and warlike fervor. You will go home from the game, encased in your cultural identity as a Mountaineer, a member of the Wolfpack, a 49er, and you will engage in further socialization and ritual bonding over social media and immerse yourself in dedicated spaces to discuss your fandom. You will wipe eye black or peel decals off your face and settle in at home, stewing in an emotional soup, win or lose. It is this great and holy experience, of which I have dedicated a fair amount of my social identity to, for which I intend to carve out an anthropological canon. Through the study of fan culture, gender and fan identity, and the highly racial nature of discussions surrounding college athletes, a small, but mighty canon is born.

Sport Itself

Before diving deep into fan politics and cultural values, it is important to discuss the anthropological implications of sport itself. What exactly is so gripping about athleticism and “the game”? Why are anthropologists reluctant to expend research and ethnographic energy into the subject? Philip Moore makes the case that there is a blurred line between a genuine anthropological study into sports, fan culture, and history, and the “danger… of losing an anthropological identity and of being absorbed as mere contributors in some generic field of sport studies” (2004, 39). It would seem that these two fields, sport studies and anthropology, are not mutually exclusive, but Moore insists that there is a distinct need for ethnographic analysis of sport, so as to keep the true anthropological nature of the discipline. Moore shifts to discussing the benefit of using sport as an anthropological segue of sorts, a way to bring interest to the field while allowing students to find something of themselves within the discipline and jump headfirst into creating anthropological data rather than merely regurgitating the words of other professional anthropologists (2004, 43).

The absence of or the reluctance of anthropologists to introduce sport into the field is a concern of C. Richard King as well. His anecdotal evidence of an AAA conference nestled in the heart of New Orleans sports territory yet devoid of sports presence, stating “sport was literally everywhere but at AAA,” marks the subject as a sort of anthropological elephant in the room (King 2004, 29). It can be discussed elsewhere, just not in a place of serious anthropological thought. He argues that sport as a study can only enrich the field, and indeed, it already has, citing anthropological works spanning the subjects of gender, identity, and even Geertz’s infamous Balinese cockfights. Despite an obvious bias as a sports fan, I value the multidisciplinary and multifaceted nature of King’s argument, and particularly resonate with his later characterization of typical anthropologists who fear stepping out of their ethnographic comfort zones and into the sphere of sport. Anthropologists, he states, “set off to study significant, serious topics elsewhere among people not like themselves, more or less authentic, if not exotic, others who can offer a comparative glimpse of the human condition,” and are apt to ignore the ethnographic goldmine on their 60” flatscreens and in their own backyard tailgates (King 2004, 31).

Sport, Identity, and Fan Culture

Perhaps the most traditionally fascinating aspect of sport from an anthropological standpoint is the rich fan culture that arises from it. There are ritual celebrations, ceremonial garments, songs, hand symbols, fierce rivalries, and powerful identity markers that can divide households and unify enemies into the best of friends. In the United States, argues Danille Lindquist, sport provides a way to view American cultural values and ideas of “the nation” under a microscope (2006, 445). Fan culture is rich and full of desirable ethnographic research qualities, and yet, Lindquist points out, “public sporting events are still often evaluated as ‘feeble’ when compared to other kinds of cultural performances, especially those of the historical past or ‘traditional’ past” (2006, 445). There is a delineation of culture into “high” and “low”, high cultural pastimes being traditional music, art, and narrative works that one appreciates but is not overly invested in, and low culture being the rabidity and danger of the fannish spirit. Within high cultural spheres, a need for enjoyment (which is taken seriously) is valued over obsession (which is seen as grotesque). This may explain the exclusion of sport from academic study in the humanities.

Within “low” culture and sports fandom, who is “in” and who is “out” is based on cultural knowledge and understanding of sports cultural norms. These are often reinforced by those trying to fit in with traditionally masculine crowds of sports fans. Markowitz et al. recognize the difficulties of being a female fan of organized sports and the desire to set oneself apart from bandwagon and supposedly shallow female fandom (2018). As with any cultural group there is a desire to establish a complete purity in knowledge and respect of traditional values, who is a “real” fan and who takes on the mantle as a mere status identifier, but Markowitz et al. argue that

Instead of deeming our non-knowledgeable but passionate… supporter a ‘fake’ fan, or stripping him or her of proclaimed fandom altogether, perhaps this person should be filed under the category of ‘affective’ fan, contrasted with its ‘knowledgeable’ counterpart. In other words, fandom need not be defined solely by intellectual dimensions, such as expertise and knowledge, but can also be construed as primarily an emotional construct. (2018, 127).

That seething, writhing organism of a sports crowd does not care how much knowledge one has of the sport, its pull is magnetic and hard to resist, regardless of gender or social status. There remains a certain maleness to the cultural sphere of athletics and its associated fandom. Boyle et al. insist that “televised sport practices and discourses continue to connote maleness. It is in this way that male images of sport, equating male sporting prowess with masculine superiority, contribute to the social reproduction of dominant cultural values,” creating a division between male athletic prowess and “weak” female fandom (2009, 187). Besnier et al. discuss the problematics of not only gender but biological sex in the sports world and within fandom, as women are excluded based on hormone count or mocked due to a perceived lack of womanhood (2018, 130). If one enters the comment section of Serena Williams or Brittney Griner, this masculinization by fans and other athletes alike becomes clear. On the topic of “sex”, the male gaze and the objectification of womanhood means the despite female fans being a vocal part of sports fandom, Michael Borer argues that womanhood in the sports space is often used to sell the sport itself to other men, rather than to invite women in (2009, 1).

In addition to gender and the politics of female sports fandom, other politics, unlike in other cultural spheres, are de facto shunned by the majority of sports fans. This may be an attempt at a veneer of group harmony, but the taboo of politics can lead to further rifts within the identity group (Serazio 2019, 227). Serazio’s inclusion of the cultural pushback within traditionally conservative sports commentary against queerness in the media speaks to a trend that is troubling in both the collegiate and professional world of sports fandom, the idea that one needs to shut up and play and “keep politics off the field” even when said politics are merely existing on a team as an out queer person (2019, 228-229). Noah Cohan continues this discourse around queerness and the backlash it causes in fan spaces, comparing the homophobic reaction of fans to NBA veteran Jason Collins’ declaration of queerness to Brittney Griner’s unequivocal image as a lesbian, pondering the differences in fan expectations in mens’ and womens’ sport (2019, 169). Adrian Burgos Jr. makes a case that the reaction to “the National Basketball Association veteran Jason Collins's and the NFL prospect Michael Sam's declarations of their homosexuality” stems from a quest for respect from other fans, the queerness of a player is seen as a good targeting point for mocking of the sport-cultural group (as homosexuality challenges the heteronormativity of sport culture) (2014, 176). It seems, then, that despite a unifying factor of shared interest, the politics of an additional identity marker can divide the fan or player from the fandom.

Identity markers such as gender and sexuality play a large role in inter-fan relations, but another point of contention in the world of sports, for both players and athletes, is race. Racial politics within the United States are hotly contested, and as the world of sport mirrors and magnifies these relations, they are deeply debated in this realm as well. Players face criminalization, stereotyping, and tokenization as they navigate the complexities of athletics, particularly at the professional level, as Lucia Trimbur discusses the link between racially charged policies and the prison industrial complex, stating, “regulations in the NBA not only mirror criminal justice policies but also work to reinforce them and reify ideas about black criminality” (2016, 75). In addition to criminalizing Blackness within sports, there exists the problem of tokenization and the narrative of the “exceptional Negro,” or “one of the good ones”, a narrative that has unfortunately been perpetuated in our own Mountaineer athletic space. To bring in a source to the canon that is not within the spheres of academic research or anthropology, there is a quote from defensive back Marcus Hastings’s decommitment announcement that shows the problems that sport has with identity:

As a Black student athlete we are challenged everyday with either standing up to or ignoring the racial slights and microaggressions that occur in the classroom, athletics facilities, and academic offices. Student athletes are put in the position to just ‘shut up and play’ because of the free education and college degree. Black students deserve to be seen for who we are and not as the ‘Exceptional Negro’. Inequality will continue to happen until we as a country speak out on racial insensitivity and make it a priority to teach our youth about the importance of equality and loving one another. (2022)

A study done by Krystal Beamon illustrates that Hastings is far from alone, the alienation of the Black athlete is a common phenomenon at PWIs and in social media spaces (2014, 121).

Conclusion

The world of sports is thrilling, and the community it brings is unlike any other. Fandom can be a great equalizer, bringing together folks from all walks of life in one space for the joy of the game, and being able to view sheer talent and all of its forms is inspiring. The contradictions and problems with sexism, homophobia, and racism both in sports fandom and on an institutional level provide a look into social problems and unrest, and the rich history of ritual, ceremony, and celebration make sports a strong candidate for further anthropological study. What happens in the sports world is magnified and plastered on news outlets and social media, yet in the field of anthropology it is grossly overlooked. My fondest memories are standing and hollering at Kidd Brewer, group photos with my friends at a basketball game greeting Coach Kerns with a high five, and discussing the drama of all things Appalachian on Twitter with friends I would have never made without the introduction of sport to my life. It has inspired this canon, but it has also inspired me to conduct further bio anthropological research into athleticism and human evolution, and has greatly influenced the path of my career.

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Works Cited

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